In a way, Singapore has always been driven by neoliberal ideology. In the 1960s and 1970s, Singapore's economic competitiveness was based on its ability to generate low-cost manufacturing assemblies, its political stability and geographical location (Yeung, 2000: 142). However, in the 1980s, Singapore was outclassed by other developing Asian countries and addressed this “competitiveness crisis” with national strategies that promoted high-tech business services (Yeung, 2000: 142). Rigorous infocomm programs were adopted as early as 1980, the IDA has maintained constant efforts to promote and educate its citizens about ICT. As a result of the National IT Plan (1986-1991), the computer software and services industry increased its revenues 10-fold, the ICT workforce pool grew from 850 to 5,500, and the IT business and e-commerce continued to expand through subsequent programs. (iN2015 Steering Committee, 2006: 33). In 2006, Singapore boasted the highest ratio of infocomm-related patents to total patents in the world, and the iN2015 Steering Committee attributed this success to national ICT programs (2006: 36). More than ever, Singapore is a consumer-oriented country with a prosperous economy. Infocomm's initiatives intentionally advanced the economy by encouraging businesses to enter the e-economy and convincing consumers that this was safe and convenient. With the specific aim of encouraging domestic and international companies to set up e-commerce malls in Singapore, the Singapore government introduced the "Approved Cyber ​​Traders" program which entitled qualified companies to pay less tax on society (Teo, 2002: 259). A highly sophisticated electronic payment infrastructure has encouraged both sellers and consumers to...... by card ...... protect themselves against fraud and theft if they want to foster a strong e-commerce sector . Is ICT in Singapore under development? used as tools of control, and to what extent are they used as facilitators of open democracy? Democracy relies heavily on press freedom, but, as Brown points out, this is undermined by neoliberal corporate ownership and laws that protect political officials from defamation (2006: 695). This is true for Singapore today. The state controls pro-government broadcast media, and defamation suits dissuade journalists from publishing controversial political articles (O'Hara, 2008: 10). In Singapore, media coverage of the political opposition has long been suppressed, primarily under the justification of “national interest,” a controlling ideology that has driven national policy on media control (Lee and Willnat, 2006: 10).