With a history dating back to 3,000 BC, Tonga is ruled by King Tupou VI, is made up of 171 islands and is now over 99% Christian . It has a rich culture and history, where women 'eiki to men; that is, women outnumber men. Dance was a fundamental element of that culture. “Dance in Tonga was, and in many ways still is, an important functional aspect of culture, inextricably intertwined with social organization, history and folklore, and is primarily a village affair” (Kaeppler, 1970, p. 266). In this article I will explore the rich environment, culture and history of Tonga and the changes that have occurred since the arrival of Westerners. I will connect the dance, their role, the corresponding changes and how Tonga has continued to maintain its rich traditions. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get the original essay Encyclopedia.com (2018) shows that Tonga, or the Kingdom of Tonga, is located in the South Pacific and covers an area of ​​approximately 750 square kilometers; its capital Nuku'alofa is located on the island of Tongatapu. Its flora resembles that of the South Pacific with coconut groves and banana plantations. Because Tonga is an island nation, its fauna consists of several species of bats and reptiles, eighty-three species of migratory birds, including bright brown parrots and crimson-crowned fruit doves, and over 1200 marine species, including dolphins, whales and over 25 variations of butterfly fish. This ecology is what Tongans call their fonua. Fonua is “… the embodiment of both local territorial belonging (rendered historicized) and national self-identification (rendered contemporary), simultaneously linking Tongans to a mythological past and connecting them with a globalized present” (Francis, 2006, p. 345). It represents “a powerful social construction, embracing affirmations of national unity (one people, one place) and a celebration of the diverse histories and distinct territories (many people, many places) that make up the Kingdom of Tonga today” (Francis, 2006, page 360). Fonua is regularly referenced in the dance and poetry of the people of Tonga. In Lau Langi, a version of the ancient Tongan dance 'Otuhaka, Tongans “reflect the concept of fonua in the employment of images that ultimately associate people with land, with territory, with place” (Francis, 2006, p. 348 ). The Tongans were the original descendants of Samoa, about 900 kilometers to the northeast. Aside from the original work of author Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, there was little written historical evidence. Until the first Westerners arrived in the 1600s, the chiefs and the Kau-matãpule, or attendants, kept the stories and traditions alive. “Some individuals are particularly knowledgeable and can be defined as tangata 'ilo (or fefine 'ilo if a woman) meaning 'one who knows'” (Latukefu, 1968, p.135). Fortunately, “…the oral traditions, after being carefully and critically subjected to the canons of historical and anthropological criticism, have contributed enormously to making the history of Tonga more alive, more interesting, exciting and, I hope, more accurate” (Latukefu, 1968, page 143). Through poetry and dance, Tonga continues this oral history. Tonga has gone through years of civil wars between various chiefs. In the 15th century, the Tu'i Tonga, or chief of Tonga, created a model with worker and non-worker leaders; that is, the Tu'i Tonga would be the leader, while another would be responsible for day-to-day management. This second chief was called Tu'i Ha'atakalaua. The Tu'i Ha'atakalua, in turn, replicated the same practice with his younger brothers and sons. This led to a third leader, called Tu'i Kanokupolu. Unfortunately, this disjointed infrastructure provoked a power struggle until it remaineda king, the Tu'i Kanokupolu. This king was King George Tãufa'ãhau Tupou I. King George ruled successfully for sixty years. During that period, after befriending a missionary, Shirley Baker, Tu'i Kanokupolu was baptized. This friendship proved fortuitous as it helped the king prevent a European occupation. As such, Tonga remained independent and flourished without losing its identity and traditions. These civil wars and Tonga's subsequent democracy are central references in his war dances. Furthermore, Tongan society has always had highly complex social structures or hierarchies. “Ancient Tonga was known for its complex family lineages and sophisticated political governance” (Matsuda, 2012, p. 27). Indeed, “all interpersonal relationships in the insular kingdom are governed by principles of rank, material culture and language reflecting this classification” (Kaeppler, 1971, p. 174). Tongan society is made up of three distinct ranks, primarily kings, or Tu'i Tonga, primarily people, and commoners, or commoners. A hierarchical structure “orders titles within a title system” (Biersack, 1991, p. 236). It puts leaders at the top and ordinary citizens at the bottom. This is the structure that is also often reinforced in Tongan dance, poetry and folklore. However, the most important social hierarchy is that of the eiki' and the tu'a. “In Tonga a sister is 'eiki to her brother, who is tu'a. This does not suggest that she has superior authority over him but that, as a sister, she has precedence over him in terms of hierarchical values ​​and spiritual potency” (James, 1992, p. 84). Within this hierarchy, women are “descendants of Pulotu, while the men they rely on for support and protection are from Maama, descendants of a worm. The men are from Maama and the women are from Pulotu” (Filihia, 2001, p. 381). Since Pulotu came first and was the source of life and death, he was “chiefly.” Since women came from Pulotu, “women are primarily” (Filihia, 2001, p. 381). One's personal rank in society is therefore established. In short, “women have the ability to build life or destroy it” (Filihia, 2001, p. 386). This eiki' and tu'a relationship is particularly observable during a funeral. “Women play a leading role in mourning rites, taking the lead in laments over the body and usually occupying the position of fahu” (Filihia, 2001, 384). Bott (1981) observed: “Relatives of higher status than the dead person sit in the house, are fed and given koloa. One of them is appointed fahu of the ceremony, that is, the one with the highest rank. Relatives lower in rank than the corpse bring food, stand outside, and work in the kitchen; they are called lions. Same-sex older siblings and their children are neither liongi nor fahu. Likewise, grandparents and grandchildren are neither liongi nor fahu.” (p. 18) Tongan dances were, not surprisingly, an essential part of these funerals as they detailed the family's grief and offerings to the Tongan gods or God. “Drinking and dancing sometimes relieved the boredom of their mourning, one of the dances commonly engaged in being the kawole” (MacAlpine, 1906, p.261). These multifaceted interrelationships also dictate the Tongan language and the poetry incorporated into their dances. For example, your ways of speaking, and, therefore, the movements of poetry and dance, change when you speak to or about the king, or Lea fakatu'i, or mainly to people, and so on. But a commoner may never know the language required to speak to the king, or especially to the people, since "Tongan culture does not normally provide opportunities for most common Tongans to interact with the monarch or chiefs... honorifics are not part of all Tongan everyday use in thesame way as, for example, the Japanese honorific is true” (Taumoefolau, 2012, p. 328). There is also a way of speaking in a self-deprecating way to convey respect to the listener. “In Tongan, speaking in a self-derogatory manner (WAT 4) is intended to express respect for the addressee, or develop rapport and solidarity with a high-status addressee” (Taumoefolau, 2012, p. 332). The practice continues of the Tongans it is religion. Religion has been a significant part of Tongan society before and after the arrival of Westerners. In the 1700s, Tongan society was introduced to Christian and Wesleyan missionaries. These missionaries initially did not convert any Tongans. In 1833, the Wesleyans proudly converted all three rulers of the main Tongan islands and established an independent Free Church of Tonga. In 1850 paganism disappeared. “Tonga was transformed from a traditional polytheistic religion into a unified Christian nation… where Christianity had the most powerful Western influence” (Shumway, 1981, p. 467). From then on, “Christianity and formal education had profound effects on Tongan life, and dance was no exception. Methodism became almost a state religion and the ancient dances were considered 'pagan' and not in conformity with the precepts of Christianity” (Kaeppler, 1970, p. 266). However, “since at least the 19th century, dance and music have emerged as powerful symbols of identity for ethnic groups and nations around the world” (Reed, 1998, p.510). As in most Polynesian societies, Tongan dances are central to various ceremonies and holidays, and tell stories and folklore through movement. Waterman wrote, “dance serves as a force for social cohesion and as a means of achieving the cultural continuity without which no human community can persist” (as cited in Kaeppler, 1967, p. 1). Punake choreographs those dances. He/she “excels as a pulotu fa'u (composer of poems or ta'anga), pulotu hiva/pulotu phases (creator of melodies), and pulotu haka (creator of dance or choreographer)” (“The Art of Punake”) . Like other parts of the world, Tonga faces ecological problems, such as pollution, overfishing, rising sea levels and other ecological problems. As a socio-ecologist, the Punake incorporates flora and fauna into the choreography and seeks to inspire everyone to protect the fonua. The Punake “feels a great responsibility for the final product, the main performance, because it wishes to honor those to whom it is dedicated and also to meet the expectations of a demanding audience” (Shumway, 1981, p. 468). Tongans state: “…poetry, dance, and mythical tales provide useful insights into the order and logic…” (Francis, 2006, p. 347) of the universe. Tongan society created dance movements quite different from those of the Western world. “Tongan dances allude to poetry, create beauty, or both” (Kaeppler, 2003, p. 156). In Tonga the dance is called faiva con haka. That is, “first, that it requires skill; second, that the most important part of the body in Tongan dance is the hands; and third, that Tongan dance is performed together with singing… and… the way the movements interpret the poetry is an important aspect of aesthetics” (Kaeppler, 1971a, p. 176). Kaeppler (1971a, p. 177) points out that to understand Tongan dance, the spectator must consider four elements: mastery, appropriateness, skill or sensation of the performance, and the internal state of the spectator or viewer. The spectator can therefore experience māfana, that is, “being able to find something familiar in something new, or in the recognition of a performance so well done that the spectator actually participates indirectly” Kaeppler (1971a, p. 177). Tonga has two basic types of dance: “one that has themovement as the main element and one that accompanies the poem” (Kaeppler, 1967, p. 160). Unlike Western music, Tongan music is secondary. “As in most Polynesian music, it is not the melody that is important, but rather the feeling expressed by the poem” (Kaeppler, 1970, p. 275). The soft movements of the ballerinas contrast greatly with the physical and brutal movements of the male dancers. Tongan dances consist of kinemas, morphokines and motifs. There are approximately 46 dance kinemes, or significant body movements, using the head, legs, or arms. “Morchokines combine kinemes – be they position or movement – ​​into fluid movements that have a definite start and end” (Kaeppler, 1972, p.187). Morphokines are actually a mix of cinemi and nima morphokines, involving the hand and lower arm, while motifs are “a frequent combination of morphokines that forms a short entity in itself” (Kaeppler, 1972, p. 202 ). themselves use the word fakafonoa (lit. 'pertaining to the land') or 'traditional' to refer both to older categories of song and dance and to newer ones that contain demonstrable European elements” (McLean, 1999, p. 133). There are three ancient dance forms, specifically me'etu'upaki, ula and 'otuhaka. “In early Tonga literature, we have descriptions of four types of dance: 1) the me'etu'upaki, a standing male dance in which paddles (paki) are used; 2) the me'elaufola, a group dance performed by both men and women; 3) the 'otuhaka, seated group dance; and 4) ula, a standing dance performed by young women” (Kaeppler, 1970, p.267). Like other Polynesian societies, Tonga has a tradition of oral storytelling that worships or honors various Tongan gods and demigods through poetry and dance. These stories troubled the arriving Westerners. After all, “regulating the purity and authenticity of folk dance in a patriarchal and protective mode is a common feature of state and elite interventions, often indexing notions of a defensive culture under siege” (Reed, 1998, p. 512) . Remarkably, me'etu'upaki has remained intact and has “remained essentially the same for more than 300 years” (Kaeppler, 1991, p. 356) in movement, poetry, and music. The me'etu'upaki is a military, or war, dance. Performed by men arranged in multiple rows and using a paki, which resembles a small paddle, "me'etu'upaki is a group dance that is completely choreographed from start to finish, down to the smallest detail" ( Kaeppler, 1991, page 348). A group of singers and drummers, called lolongo, accompanies the dancers. The movements are graceful and there is no improvisation. In its function, however, the dance has “changed: from a type of formal dance to a conspicuous demonstration of separation of the descendants of the sacred line of leaders from the rest of society” (Kaeppler, 1970, p. 269). Similar to me'etu'upaki, kailao is another traditional war dance without accompanying song. A favorite among tourists, the dance follows the shouts of a leader and the persistent beat of drums. The kailao fortunately remained intact. The me'elaufola, however, has completely disappeared from today's society, at least in terms of name. Kaeppler (1970, p. 270) argues that me'elaufola closely resembles lakalaka. There are some differences: the me'elaufola speaks to the Tongan gods, while the lakalaka pays respect to God, the king and his nobles. The other notable difference is that men and women perform me'elaufola together, while separately in lakalaka. The harmony of lakalaka also evokes Western music. Just like other traditions, lakalaka “abounds in symbolism and extensive meanings, sometimes made deliberately obscure to avoid falling into cliché or perhaps to communicate something that needs to be.